From UNO in 2007 to UNA in 2013 (Last Part)

If UNA is predominantly PDP-Laban and Partido ng Masang Pilipino (PMP), it immediately brings to the political equation their “brand of politics”: PDP-Laban as progressive and platform-oriented, while PMP as masa politics akin to Erap. If UNA is positioned as the opposition to the Aquino administration, then it has to be clear in its advocacies, since whoever appears to be opposition will be able to capture Metro Manila. If ably articulated, its oppositionist position can likewise resonate over Mega Manila.

In the final analysis, UNA’s strength will lie on two areas: a) the Vice President’s personal plans and measured capacity, and b) the ability to harness coalition politics. It appears that every Senatorial election has been governed by coalition politics.  While it does not augur well for political party development in the country, that is reality and we just have to live with it. The problem with coalition politics is that “paper strengths” are magnified, and treatment of coalition partner depends on what one brings to the table. The more coalition partners there are, the harder to get things moving at the national level.

If UNA is predominantly PDP-Laban and Partido ng Masang Pilipino (PMP), it immediately brings to the political equation their “brand of politics”: PDP-Laban as progressive and platform-oriented, while PMP as masa politics akin to Erap.  If UNA is positioned as the opposition to the Aquino administration, then it has to be clear in its advocacies, since whoever appears to be opposition will be able to capture Metro Manila. If ably articulated, its oppositionist position can likewise resonate over Mega Manila.

The Liberal Party (LP), which amended its charter post-2010 to include people’s organizations in its membership, will have to do a better job of vote delivery as an administration party.  It appears that six provinces have been targeted as its harvest areas: Cavite (1,020,008 votes), Pampanga (1,211,162 votes), Quezon (1,440,660 votes), Laguna (1,655,015 votes), Bulacan (1,479,765 votes), and Pangasinan (1,621,959 votes).  These provinces, with a total of 8,428,569 votes cover three regions: Region 1 (2,800,508 votes), Region 3 (5,648,686 votes), and Region 4-A (6,736,126 votes). These regions have a total base of 15,185,320 votes.  These provinces are also very close to NCR – historically an opposition area – with a total of 6,137,728 registered voters.

Mindanao is historically a Binay-Erap-Enrile area. Binay is strong in Northern Luzon, as well as in Batangas, while Erap’s bailiwicks are NCR (San Juan) and Laguna. Enrile is also strong in Northern Luzon.

If LP fails to provide the machinery and financial muscle for its members, and delay becomes the order of the day, local politicians will have to disengage early to set up their local parties. Once this happens, a national candidate will have to piece his voter support like putting together a quilt.

Another development worth watching is the intramurals in the Aquino team between and among LPs, non-LPs, and those who do not have party affiliations but are known to throw their weight around to favor non-LP candidates.

From UNO to UNA is all about being No. 1. How subliminal can you get?

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Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of TheLOBBYiST.
About the Author
Malou Tiqiua is the Founder/General Manager of PUBLiCUS Asia Inc. A noted political management expert in the Philippines and Asia, she brings over 20 years of professional experience in public, private and the academe combined. Author of the comprehensive book on electoral campaigns in the Philippines, "Campaign Politics", Malou is a graduate of the University of the Philippines with a Political Science degree and a Master of Public Administration. She completed her second master's degree (MA in Political Management) from the Graduate School of Political Management, George Washington University.
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